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- Written by Curt Bell Curt Bell
- Published: 06 March 2013 06 March 2013
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Israel’s Treatment of Palestinians parallels the treatment of Blacks in the Jim Crow South.
Curtis Bell
[This article was originally published without the maps in the Electronic Intifada]
The Birmingham Civil Rights Institute in Birmingham, Alabama does a good job of showing what blacks endured before the civil rights victories of the 1960s. I visited there last fall and was especially struck by one particular image - a 1926 map of the small and isolated patches of Birmingham where city zoning regulations allowed blacks to live (Fig. 1). What struck me was the similarity of this map to maps of the isolated patches of the West Bank and East Jerusalem where Palestinians are allowed to live (Fig. 2). The map then made me think about other similarities between the oppression of blacks in the Jim Crow South and Israel’s present-day oppression of Palestinians.
Figure 1. Areas zoned for black households in Birmingham, Alabama in 1926. Thick black line denotes city limits. Black Neighborhoods of Birmingham in 1926. From “Black housing opportunities in Birmingham, Alabama” by Bobby Wilson. Southern Geographer. 27, 99-114, 1977.
Figure 2: Palestinian areas of the West Bank. Brown areas are those with “full” Palestinian control (Area A). Green areas are those with mixed Palestinian and Israeli control (Area B). All other areas are full Israeli control (Area C). International Middle East Media Center.
The methods for keeping blacks within their enclaves in Birmingham were more direct and brutal than the redlining agreements among banks and realtors that maintained a de facto segregation in the North. Municipal zoning laws in Birmingham prevented sales to blacks outside designated areas, and if a black somehow acquired a house outside the designated area, even if just across the street, the house would be blown up.
Similarly, the Israeli legal system keeps Palestinians within restricted areas of East Jerusalem and the West Bank. Palestinians living outside those areas have been evicted and their homes destroyed or occupied by Jewish settlers. Eighteen thousand Palestinian homes have been destroyed by Israel since 1967, according to the Israeli Committee Against House Demolition.
The black areas and white areas of Birmingham were very different physically. The black areas often lacked municipal amenities or services such as street lighting, paved streets, sidewalks, garbage collection and sewers that the white areas had. Similarly, the Palestinian areas of East Jerusalem often lack these same basic facilities and services, and the differences between Palestinian and non-Palestinian areas are clear to all.
Suppression of the human rights of blacks in the South was maintained by both “legal” and extralegal means. State and municipal Jim Crow laws restricted residence, use of public facilities, use of public transport, inter-racial marriage and other aspects of life in the South. White courts and police forces enforced these laws and the whole system of segregation. Arbitrary arrests under vagrancy laws yielded large numbers of black prisoners (who were often forced to do hard labor). Non-violent civil rights marches and protests were met with police and state National Guard violence.
Similarly, Israeli control over the lives of Palestinians is maintained by a system of laws, courts, police and Israeli military that discriminates against Palestinians. Laws restrict where Palestinians can live, where they can travel, what roads they can travel on, and whether they can live with their spouse in another part of the country. Permits to travel from the West Bank to East Jerusalem for work are tightly controlled and dependent on “good” behavior. “Administrative detentions” have led to the indefinite incarceration of thousands of Palestinians without trials. The Israeli Defense Force meets non-violent protests against the separation wall and the taking of Palestinian land with violence (see the Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories, B’tselem, http://www.btselem.org).
Black compliance with the system of segregation in the South was ensured by extralegal as well as legal means, including economic threats, harassment of various sorts, and extreme violence. More than 5000 lynchings were recorded between 1882 and 1959, and many beatings and killings went unrecorded. Violence against blacks increased as the civil rights movement grew in strength during the 1950s and 1960s,. In one year alone 30 black homes and churches were bombed in Birmingham. The white controlled legal system only rarely prosecuted white-on-black violence.
Similarly, harassment and violence against Palestinians by Israeli settlers in the West Bank and East Jerusalem occurs almost every day. The settlers try to force Palestinians off their land or to leave the region entirely. The settlers threaten or attack children on their way to school and shepherds in the fields. Palestinian land, wells, and olive groves are occupied. The Israeli military protects the settlers, and the Israeli legal system only rarely prosecutes settler harassment or violence.
Blacks in the Jim Crow South had no control over the governments that oppressed them and denied them their share of common resources. The 15th Amendment of 1870 gave blacks the right to vote, but that right was progressively taken away in Southern states following the failure of reconstruction. Discriminatory registration procedures were introduced and were enforced by violence. As late as the 1960s, many counties in the South, even those with black majorities, had no registered black voters. The Voting Rights Act of 1965 finally changed that.
Similarly, the four million or so Palestinians in Gaza, the West Bank and East Jerusalem have no say in the government that in fact controls them. They cannot vote in the Israeli elections. Palestinians did vote for a virtually powerless Palestinian government in 2006 in which a majority of seats in the parliament went to Hamas, a political party. The Hamas legislators were immediately arrested and jailed by Israel. Many were kept in prison for over five years and the elected parliament has never been able to meet. Even if the parliament could meet, it would have only limited control over limited enclaves of the West Bank. Israel controls the water, electricity, borders, airspace, exports and imports of the enclaves, and the Israeli military enters the enclaves and arrests Palestinians at will.
Non-violent methods such as marches, boycotts and direct actions are a critical tool for the success of any human rights movement, such as the American Civil Rights Movement, that confronts a power structure with a monopoly on physical force. The Civil Rights Movement in the United States maintained the practice of non-violence to a heroic degree over many years, even in the face of violent repression from the Southern white power structure. Participants aroused the conscience of the rest of the nation and the world.
Similar non-violent methods are now of central importance for the Palestinian rights movement. Protest marches against the separation wall, “Freedom Rides” on Israeli-only public transit, and “camp-ins” on land illegally expropriated for Israeli settlements are becoming common now in Palestine/Israel. Internationally, boycotts of all sorts and divestment from companies that maintain and profit from the occupation of Palestinian land are taking hold.
The blacks in the American Civil Rights Movement made their appeal to the federal government for redress of wrongs committed at the lower levels of state and local governments. The federal government was already formally committed to the rights of blacks through the 14th and 15th amendments as well as various Supreme Court decisions. They also had authority and power over local governments. The aroused conscience of the nation and of the world finally forced the United States federal government to act. Presidents Kennedy and Johnson could not continue to present the United States to the world as the land of freedom and democracy when its own citizens were being beaten for asserting their freedom and their right to vote.
Here too there are parallels between the Civil Rights Movement in the American South and today’s movement for Palestinian rights. Israel cannot indefinitely present itself as a law-abiding, humane, and democratic state when it denies the human rights of the four million or so Palestinians in Gaza, East Jerusalem and the West Bank. The international community is beginning to understand that although it is Israel that has control over those four million Palestinians, the Palestinians themselves have no say in the government that occupies and controls them.
Ironically, the federal government of the United States shares responsibility for the continuing denial of Palestinian human rights, just as for many decades it shared responsibility for the denial of black human rights in the Jim Crow South by not enforcing federal law. Now, and for many decades, United States diplomatic support has allowed Israel to violate international law with impunity. The United States has blocked United Nations sanctions against Israel for such violations of international law as the occupation of Palestinian land, the colonization of the West bank by placing settlers on that land, and the annexation of East Jerusalem, the historic home of thousands of Christian and Muslim Palestinians.
In addition, the United States federal government provides about three billion dollars in military aid to Israel every year, and may be violating its own laws in doing so, as pointed out by a letter to Congress in October 2012 from 15 leaders of major American Christian churches. The letter urged an “investigation into possible violations by Israel of the U.S. Foreign Assistance Act and the U.S. Arms Export Control Act, which respectively prohibit assistance to any country which engages in a consistent pattern of human rights violations and limit the use of U.S. weapons to ‘internal security’ or ‘legitimate self-defense’.” The letter cited evidence for human rights violations on the part of Israel and for Israel’s use of US arms against Palestinian civilians.
In summary, many parallels exist between the historic mistreatment of blacks in the Jim Crow South and the present-day mistreatment of Palestinians in Israel/Palestine. Many parallels also exist between the strategies of the Palestinian rights movement to end Palestinian mistreatment today and those taken previously by the American Civil Rights Movement to end black mistreatment. These strategies consist of arousing and mobilizing the conscience of the world through non-violent protest, direct action, boycotts and divestment, together with citizen demands that the governments involved obey both national and international law. These strategies brought significant changes for blacks in the South and hopefully, with commitment and perseverance, may someday accomplish the same for Palestinians.
Curtis Bell is a peace activist in Portland, Oregon. He is a member of the board of Unitarian Universalists for Justice in the Middle East, an organization that works for Palestinian rights within the Unitarian Universalist denomination.